Larisa Galadza at the Ukrainian Leadership Academy’s Forum on Opportunities/Volodymyr Neizvestnyi photo

Canada is home to more Ukrainians than any other country in the world beyond Ukraine itself and Russia. So, when Vladimir Putin invaded Ukraine on February 24, 2022, Canada’s response was not only strategic through NATO and tactical via sanctions, it was deeply emotional. Ambassador Larisa Galadza, who was born in Canada and whose four grandparents emigrated from Ukraine, filed this piece for Policy from Kyiv.

Larisa Galadza

December 17, 2022

Living in Kyiv has meant experiencing many forces: the force of evil; the force of determination that is way beyond survival instinct; the force of an explosion, felt through the wall against my back and that I later learn has snuffed out beautiful life; and the force of nature — cold and darkness that is heavier and deeper because we are in a time of war.

But for me, there are two forces that I feel particularly these days as I sit at my desk, or across from Ukraine’s leadership, doing the ambassador job.

First is the force of diplomacy — the work of people far away from Ukraine whose energy, determination, and creativity are buoying the efforts that allow Ukrainians to fight on all fronts — military, economic, humanitarian, and informational. From Kyiv, I can see and feel the work of Canadian Heads of Mission around the globe as they find ways to move the world to choke off President Putin’s and Russia’s war machine financially, politically, and morally. From early on in the invasion, I knew that if there was one country that understood Ukraine and its people, and could advocate for it with particular credibility, it would be Canada. Every foreign diplomat I meet in Kyiv recognizes the inherently special relationship we have with Ukrainians, and that’s precisely what we set out to leverage on this war’s diplomatic front.

In multilateral arenas like the United Nations and through bilateral discussions, Canadian politicians and officials are making sure Ukraine is a top agenda item. This is easy to do with our like-minded community, but we have looked beyond traditional partners and allies, and invested creative capital into influencing countries that may not fully share our Canadian values, but are not entirely siding with Russia either. By doing our homework, identifying mutual interests and calling out disinformation, we have been successfully able to influence how much support for Ukraine’s cause — our collective cause for a rules-based order — is received from the international community.

Countering Russian disinformation has become a regular undertaking for Canadian diplomats. Canada has made it a part of its strategic approach to hold Russia to account for its lies at bilateral meetings, at multi-stakeholder platforms, and anywhere else we have a voice. We know that the sole purpose of Russia’s disinformation is to create chaos, and to think that the truth is unknowable. For example, when President Putin blamed Western sanctions for food insecurity, we engaged with partners around the world to fight Russian fiction with facts. Canadian diplomats targeted messaging to countries of Latin America and the Caribbean, the Middle East, and Africa. We made sure it was well known that Russia was destroying agricultural infrastructure and holding grain hostage in Ukraine, while trying to barter for sanctions relief.

We are glad that our efforts have proven to be a strong complement to Ukraine’s own diplomatic efforts, and the right tactic for getting stronger language on multilateral resolutions and increased numbers of votes condemning Russia at the United Nations General Assembly throughout the year. As a result of outreach of this kind, Ukrainians have seen greater support from countries that have tended to abstain or remain neutral when it comes to Russia-related resolutions.

Second is the force of Ukraine’s ambition — one needs not be a close observer of the war to realize that Ukrainians are stopping at nothing to quash Russian aggression on all battlefronts, and achieve victory. Ten months into the war, the determination is more solid than ever to fight Russia back to the other side of the borders that were recognized internationally in 1991. Canada supports this goal.

Beyond that, Ukraine sends grain to the world’s most vulnerable populations, aims  to launch the first-ever prosecution of a country for the crime of aggression, and is determined to build not only its own defence arrangements, but also to strengthen the international peace and security architecture so that no country has to fight like this again.

It also continues on the path of legal, judicial, and governance reforms, prepares to withstand brazen war crime attacks on its critical infrastructure, expects Russia to pay damages and reparations, and works to accelerate its accession process for membership in the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Ukraine has set for itself, and its partners, a history-defining task of huge ambition. For us, their Western partners, each of these ambitions comes with expectations as to our own involvement.

Russia’s illegal and unjustifiable invasion of Ukraine has brought Canadian interests into stark focus. While a sizeable diaspora is an important force, the fact of the matter is that security in Europe, and the survival of the system that serves middle-power interests, is actually at stake.

As we determine what that involvement can be, we must work to maintain the strong unity that proves our like-mindedness and institutional resilience (more diplomatic work!). To be frank, it is daunting for governments that are post-COVID-19, hard-hit by inflation, and engaged in a multitude of domestic challenges. And yet, inspired by Ukrainians’ sheer determination — their willingness to pay the ultimate price for what we so often take for granted — we too are brought into this ambition.

The ways Ukrainians set these goals can seem counterintuitive to a western bureaucrat. In our systems, we work up problematics, analyze options, consult across government with stakeholders and like-mindeds, and work through layers of approvals and signoffs; Ukrainians think fast, then act. They understand what it is they must achieve and announce boldly that they shall do so. President Zelensky’s 10-point peace plan, which he set out at the G20 in Bali in November 2022, is a prime example. Vision motivates and keeps everyone — including us, their partners — focused. President Zelensky knows this and he is right: it works.

What Ukraine, and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, have managed to do to the long-standing policies of their partners was unthinkable just 10 months ago. Finland and Sweden will soon be in NATO. Germany and Japan are providing lethal aid. Switzerland has frozen Russian assets. Canada has sanctioned 1577 individuals and entities since February 2022. Would diplomats in January 2022 have believed this could happen? Further, what Ukrainians have done for their reputation in the world could not have been masterminded by the priciest global PR firm — the prevalent (let’s face it) notion that Ukraine was somehow a “Little Russia” is gone forever. Russia did not do this; Ukraine and Ukrainians did.

What’s behind these forces of unprecedented diplomacy and ambition? A powerful interplay of values and interests, but mostly interests. At a recent dinner, Ukrainian Foreign Minister Dmytro Kuleba spoke about the power that is unlocked with his counterparts in the Global South when he identifies a problem they have in common. The leader of a UN body travelling through Kyiv, discussing voting trends on Ukraine-related resolutions in the General Assembly, told me that human rights commitments do not necessarily motivate countries to move from supporting Russia to supporting Ukraine. Rather, it is their interests that govern their behaviour.

Russia’s illegal and unjustifiable invasion of Ukraine has brought Canadian interests into stark focus. While a sizeable diaspora is an important force, the fact of the matter is that security in Europe, and the survival of the system that serves middle-power interests, is actually at stake. Yes, we value these things, but only when you convey this in the language of interests do you have a clear sense of what must be done to end this war. This clarity unleashes creativity and initiative, and the resulting force is palpable.

As for the force of Ukrainian ambition, what is more powerful than the interest to survive? There is nothing more basic, and Ukrainians understand that survival is only possible if they advance ambitiously, unapologetically on all fronts.

One final note: Ukrainians tell me regularly that they feel Canadian and Western support — not that they know about it, but that they feel it. “We feel that we are not alone,” said the couple whose roof is now rebuilt because of Canadians and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). The marine fighting on the frontlines testifies to the feeling of connectedness because he knows we want the same thing as him. Even the presence of the diplomatic community in Kyiv is held up by Ukrainian friends and colleagues as a sign that we are confident in Ukraine’s victory.

Russia’s tragic and foolish invasion of Ukraine has unleashed many forces. The forces of diplomacy and national ambition are elements of Ukraine’s fight for survival. We are all warriors in the effort — because that is in our interest.

Larisa Galadza was appointed Canada’s ambassador to Ukraine in 2019. Prior to this, she served as Director General of the Peace and Stabilization Operations Program at Global Affairs Canada. Since February 24, 2022, she has been deeply involved in Canada’s response to Russia’s illegal and unjustifiable invasion of Ukraine. Ambassador Galadza is based in Kyiv.